Menighetti & Nicastro’s “History of Autonomous Sicily (1947-2001)” … Sicily’s Tragic Flaw?

Tom Verso (June 20, 2014)

“History of Autonomous Sicily (1947-2001)” … First, profound appreciation to translator Gaetano Cipolla; inter-cultural studies are carried on the backs of highly unappreciated translators. Indeed, without them there would be no inter-cultural studies. Also, appreciation is owed to “Legas” and “Arba Sicula” for the publishing the book in the incredibly low price $5.99 e-book format. /// /// Political parties are the essence of Western governance. Accordingly, this brilliant work of political economy transcends Sicily. By providing a very detailed study of the role of political parties in Sicily’s government, the authors have provided the bases for generalizations about the characteristics and dynamics Euro-American democratic governments. /// /// Nevertheless, ‘to-my-mind’, the essence of the book (the ‘takeaway’ - so to speak) is what I would characterize as Sicily’s “Tragic Flaw”. /// /// The important contribution of ancient Greece to Sicily’s culture is dramatically preserved in architectural remnants such as those at Agrigento. Less obvious is the residual perennial theme of ancient Greek tragedy, the ‘tragic flaws’ that cause the downfall of great and virtuous people such as Achilles and Oedipus. Arguably, those tragic flaws still permeate Sicilianita. /// /// This is an encyclopedic book of factual knowledge. Nevertheless, it leaves the reader with a literary sense of Sicily as a “tragic hero” – 'mighty capabilities', yet by virtue of her tragic flaws, like Michael in the “Godfather”, destined to squander her potential. /// /// Further, the book has special meaning for the children of the Sicilian diaspora. In the preface, the authors quote Goethe: “You only love what you know.” Ergo: if Americans of Sicilian descent are to love Sicily, they must first know Sicily. Less poetic, the authors write: “[we] are convinced that only the people who remember their history can build a conscious identity.” /// /// “History of Autonomous Sicily (1947-2001)” is a major contribution to building a Sicilian-American consciousness and love of Sicily. Now, if only the Italian and Italian American Studies literati in our universities can be persuaded to break with their Tuscany and Little Italy mentality and bring Patria Meridionale history into their classrooms

Tools

History of Sicily’s Parliament

Sicily has one of the longest histories of parliamentary government. However, rather than a means of helping and mitigating the pain of the working class, it was a tool to facilitate the wealth and power of the aristocracy at the expense of the masses. The authors succinctly capture the class character of the history of Sicily’s governance. They write:

“Sicily can boast one of the most ancient parliaments in recorded history, it must be regarded as an instrument through which the dominant classes attempted to preserve cast privileges or gain new ones."

“It never favored the convergence between institutional reality and the people." (e-book Location: L 267)

"Historically, therefore, parliament and the people of Sicily are two different realities without any interdependence. Parliament does not receive its sovereignty from the people, nor are the interests of the people related to the activities of parliament. This is evident from a cursory glance at the last millennium of Sicilian history." (L 275)

The table below summaries the major chapters in the history of Sicilian Parliament (L 284 – 325)

Normans … Roger II 1130	“Roger II wanted consensus of nobility and clergy … not people”
Swabian Period (1190-1266)	“Frederick II included the common people – not for their benefit – to use them as a counterbalance against nobles”
Angevin Period (1266-1282)	“Era of ‘mute parliaments’ The locution clearly illustrates the nature of the period”
Aragones Period (1282-1516)	“Parliamentary representation was reserved to the nobility and the clergy.
Aragonese-Castillian Period (1412-1516)	“Feudal lords were separated into lay and ecclesiastical lords and parliament was made up of three branches: the baronial branch (or military branch), the ecclesiastical branch, and the demesnial branch (representatives from state-owned cities and independent villages). Parliament lost its basic function …spectacular pump and seat of provincial squalbbles…
Spanish-Hapsburgh period (1518- 1700)	“The Sicilian Parliament showed its full negative weight on the island. That is when the Latifondo was created — or better, a typical culture of it based on parasitical income — with its economic and civil deformations that blocked the development of society and established in the countryside conditions of slavery among the poor people that lasted until the end of the second world war.
Spanish-Bourbon domination (1701-1713) Savoy Family (1713-1720) Austrian-Hapsburgs (1729-1734)	“In this time span, Parliament met few times, and on some occasions, to address matters external to the island.
Bourbon 1735 - 1860	But Parliament remained an expression of the nobility and of the bourgeoisie
Unification 1860	The break between the people and the institutions of Sicily was not mended even after the unification of Italy … Thus, even after 1860, as the enthusiasm began to fade on account of the failure of the new hopes engendered by the unification, there was no effective participation of the low middle classes in the political life of the country.

Insurrection of 1866 … Separatist Movement

The elite class character of the Italian national government and it’s pejorative de-humanized attitude towards the masses of people of the former “Kingdom of Two Sicilies” led to a Palermo insurrection in 1866.

“ The conception of the State as a supreme juridical body that conditions and is not conditioned became accepted, a body whose ruthless imposition of power in Sicily and the South provoked the insurrection of 1866 in Palermo, a revolt which had clear separatist connotations. (L 401).

While the complete separation of Sicily from the Italian national-state was not feasible, the concept of “autonomy” was posited as the compromising option at the end of the ninetieth century.

“Luigi Sturzo worked out a reform of the state that made the region of Sicily a convergent rather than a divergent unit of the State.

“Sturzo’s reform represented a mediation effort to open up as much as possible the Centralized Unitarian State to the democratic conception that identified in local entities the most legitimate expression of the popular will.

“His regionalism, therefore, did not mean secession from the mother country, but was in its deepest roots an aspiration to freedom, (L426)

However with the rise of Mussolini’s “totalitarian and centralizing ideology … the autonomy movement entered a period of somnolence.” (L 434).

Post-WW II and the birth of Sicilian Autonomy

The “Sicilian Magna Carta”

“In January 1945, the government appointed a Council charged with the formation of the Regional Statute. (L 581)

“The Regional Statute was finally approved by the central government on May 5, 1946, and it became constitutional law on February 26, 1948. (L 593)

The authors note:

“To realize the richness and the potentiality of the Sicilian Magna Carta, let us read the Autonomy Statute in its entirety. (L 611).

Accordingly, the entire Statue is presented in the book.

For present illustrious purposes, only key words, the government bodies and their relationship to one another, and some of their powers and responsibilities will be presented.

Sicilian Governing Bodies created by the 1948 Regional Statute

Note: keep in mind the following describes Sicily’s government structures up to 2001 when significant changes were made in the Statute (e.g. direct elections of President by the people, rather than election by Deputies of the Assembly.)

“The Region”

“Sicily, together with the Eolian, Egadi, Pelagie, Ustica and Pantelleria islands, is hereby constituted as an autonomous Region, (L 625).

“Regional Bodies”

“The bodies of the Region are:

- Assembly (Legislature body)

- Council (Executive body)

- President (Executive body)

The Regional Assembly (Members of legislature elected by the people)

“The Regional Assembly is composed of ninety Deputies elected in the Region by direct, secret and universal vote, (L 638).

The Regional Assembly is elected every five years. (L641).

It has exclusive legislative powers over matters of industry, agriculture, tourism, education … [etc.]. (L706)

The Regional Assembly, in order to satisfy particular conditions and the Region’s own interest, can promulgate laws, regarding the organization of services as well, on the following matters concerning the Region ... [etc.] (L740)

Elect President of Region and Councilmen

President of the Region and the Regional Council

“ (The Executive body) President of the Region and the Councilmen are elected by the Regional Assembly (L 672).

The Regional Council is composed by the President and by the Councilmen. (L 674).

In short:

The people elect “Deputies” to the “Assembly.”

The “Deputies” elect the “President” and “Councilmen”

The President and the “Regional Council” (i.e. “Councilmen”) constitute the “Government!”

“Government” (Note: this is an important word to understand.)

“The President of the Region and the Council constitute the Government of the Region.” (L632)

(Note: The Assembly is not part of the Government, as that word is defined in the Statute.

When reading about Sicily in the post-War era, it is important to understand the precise meaning of the phrase “Sicilian GOVERNMENT" !)

The precise meaning of the word ‘Government’ is important because one reads such phrases as “the Government fell” or “the new Government was formed.”

Again, the Assembly is elected every five (5) years. The Assembly is constant for the five-year period. But, the Assembly can change the Government (i.e. President and Council) at any time.

For example, “The Twelfth Legislature (Assembly)” ran from “7/18/96 until 7/11/2001”. In that five year period there were five “Regional Governments” to include four different “Presidents” (L 7106)

The authors provide excruciating details of “Regional Bodies” (Assemble, Council and Presidency) characteristics. For example, regarding the legislative powers of the Assembly, they list seventeen examples (L 681). Similar details about the Council and Presidency are provided.

Clearly, they are indicating that the political economy and more general the ethical and moral milieu of Sicily in the post-war decades cannot be understood without understandingthe legislative and executive bodies created by the 1948 Regional Statute.

Literally, the whole book is about the politics of Sicily during this period and the implications politics had on the character of Sicilian life and culture, and the failure of Sicily’s Magna Carta to liberate the Sicilian people.

Political party system

The key to understanding governments of Western democracies generally and Sicily particularly are the political party systems. The political party system is common to Western democratic governments, therefore understanding what happened in Sicily provides insight to Western governance generally and the U.S. specifically.

Even though the forms of governments vary though out the West, the role of political parties is common to all.

To understand how political party politics affect and even negate the ideals posited by Sicily’s Regional Statute is to understand how American party politics leads to deviations from the ideals of the Constitution (e.g. war with no congressional declaration of war per Constitution).

Political Parties - Proportional Electoral Law

Interestingly, as with all Western representative democracies, there is no mention of ‘political parties’ in the laws such as 1948 Regional Statute that create and control the governing bodies.

And, yet the actions of those governments cannot be understood without reference to political parties. Political parties are virtually the essence of Western democratic forms of government. (No mention of political parties in American Constitution.)

The authors write:

“Political parties represented credible centers of mediation between society and government institutions” (L 1479)

Graphically this may be represented as follows:

As the graphic clearly indicates, the people can only access the government through political parties. By laws (de jure) such as Sicily's "Regional Statute" and the American "Constitution" the People control the Government. But, in reality (de facto) politcal parties control the government.

Virtually, the whole book is a description of the dynamics of Sicily’s political parties and the impact they had Sicily and the Sicilian people.

“People … placed upon the parties the trust that they would have the capability of resolving the problems of society on national and regional levels.” (L 1482)

Further, the characteristics of the political party systems of Sicily and Italy (indeed, all European Parliamentary forms of governments; but not American) are determined by the concept of “proportional electoral law” (Locations 1505)

(Note: “Proportional representation is an electoral system designed to represent in a legislative body each political group or party in proportion to its actual voting strength in the electorate … the number of seats won by a party or group of candidates is proportionate to the number of votes received. For example, under a PR voting system, if 30% of voters support a particular party then roughly 30% of seats will be won by that party”. Merriam-Webster Dictionary)

The ‘proportional system’ differs from the majority rules system such as the American form of government. In the U.S. the majority party has power to govern in accordance with the interest of that (singular) party.

However, like all forms of democracy the “proportional party system” can be a proverbial “two edged sword”. While on the one hand it allows for many ideological voices in government through the respective parties …

“The proportional system can be considered the first form of a healthy democracy. (L 1509)

On the other hand, it creates divisiveness that encumbers efficient governance.

“The parties assume an ever-growing role that eventually conditions the very life of the institutions. Politics is transformed into power management ... [i.e. power struggles between parties becomes more important than needs of State] (L 1517)

It was this divisiveness in Sicily’s politics that is ultimately the theme of the book.

Sicily’s Tragic Flaw

In principle:

The history of outsider domination of Sicily outlined in the table above came to an end, with the passing of the “Regional Statute.”

“With the Statute, Sicilians had in their hands a self-created instrument of self-emancipation, offering them the unique opportunity to be masters and makers of their own future, albeit within the framework of the direction and general interests of the country.

“ The powers granted by the Statute to the Sicilian Region are very considerable, much greater than those the State later granted to the other regions having a special Statute. (L 607)

The significance of this Statute cannot be overemphasized in understanding the history of Sicily in the post-War period.

That law tinctures the history of Sicily (politics, economics, crime, etc.) from 1948 down to the present.

Note above: the phase “in principle …”

While the “Statute” provided the legal (de jure) basis for Sicilian independence, how well Sicilians implemented the Statute is another question.

The whole of the Menighetti / Nicastor book, its thesis to my mind, is the profound failure of Sicilians to liberate themselves de facto.

Summarizing in 2001, Sicily’s experience of life after the 1948 “Sicilian Magna Carta”, the authors write:

“The last five years of Autonomy confirm a bitter conclusion.

The Autonomy Statute still remains a great but inactive institutional patrimony that falls short of expectations.” (L 6383)

Indeed, there was in 2001 a growing sense of disillusionment with “Sicilian Autonomy”.

“Two former Sicilian ministers … Sergio Mattarella and Enzo Bianco consider Autonomy a heavy ball chained to the feet of Sicilian development that has to be abolished.

“Even left-wing Sicilian intellectuals, perhaps also disillusioned … voiced some serious rash judgments about the Statute and about Sicilians themselves. (L6386)

“The negative judgment on the Region also resonated with a good portion of Sicilian public opinion, especially among the new generations. (L6395)

So what happened?

Why did the Regional Statue of 1948, thought to be the great liberating law of Sicily, end up like the Hecuba, the great queen of Troy, ‘languished and ignored’?

The authors sum up this profoundly complicate sociological question.

Primarily the politicians were the problem:

“We have to recognize that the primary cause of Sicilians’ lack of attachment to the Institution of Autonomy was given by all those in political or parliamentary quarters who should have and should work to give substance to the great potential of the Region’s institution.

“…the soft belly of the situation must be identified with the inability of the current political and parliamentary representatives to manage the instruments of self-government (L 6403)

And, of course the Party System:

“The criticism for the deterioration of the Region also touches public institutions and the party system …[that] lowered the quality of the political cadre: the phenomenon touches every political group, including those of the traditional Left. (L 6404)

In short:

“The truth is that the ideological and selfish history of the parties and the opportunistic one of civil society have not been able to create a real culture of Autonomy that allowed people to distinguish the failures in management from its values. (L 6786)

In Sum

Clearly, the conditions of the working class Sicilians have profoundly improved from a hundred years ago when Booker T. Washington wrote in “The Man Furthest Down”:

“The condition of the colored farmer in the most backward parts of the Southern States in America, even where he has the least education and the least encouragement, is incomparably better than the condition and opportunities of the agricultural population in Sicily." (144)

“While the condition of Negro education in the Southern States is by no means perfect, the Negro, and particularly the Negro woman, has some advantages which are so far beyond the reach of the peasant girl in Sicily that she has never dreamed of possessing them. (p161)

For millennia Sicily has been coveted for its strategic location, natural resources and beauty; all exploited by foreigners and Sicilian oligarchs at the expense of the masses.

In the second half of the twentieth century the democracy and wealth, created by the Euro-American post-war economic boom, has ‘tricked down’ to the Sicilian working classes.

However, on the whole, Sicily still suffers from its ancient ‘tragic flaw’ – mighty and magnificent, yet hobbled by a seemingly inescapable self-destructive destiny. A destiny brilliantly captured by Francis Ford Coppola in the last metaphoric scene of “Godfather III” – Michael, the Sicilian Hecuba, alone in the courtyard of a stately ancient estate, languishly slumped in a simple kitchen chair.

DISCLAIMER: Posts published in i-Italy are intended to stimulate a debate in the Italian and Italian-American Community and sometimes deal with controversial issues. The Editors are not responsible for, nor necessarily in agreement with the views presented by individual contributors.

© ALL RIGHTS RESERVED - RIPRODUZIONE VIETATA.
This work may not be reproduced, in whole or in part, without prior written permission.
Questo lavoro non può essere riprodotto, in tutto o in parte, senza permesso scritto.

Add a comment

Sign in | Log in